A  picture of a bible.



The Bible translation movement played a significant role in India in providing scripture in various vernacular languages, developing languages, and increasing literacy. The paper will begin by briefly outlining the major events of the last four centuries of the nation before it moves into India’s demography and linguistic diversity. Then, the paper will outline a brief history of Christianity and how the history of Christianity, especially the Bible translation movement, intersects with colonial power in India. Then, the paper will briefly outline the history of Bible translation in India.

1 A Brief History of India

A detailed chronological account of the history of India is beyond the scope of this paper. However, I would highlight some key historical events to set the stage for understanding the broader historical context of the Bible translation movement in India.

1.1.1 The Mughals

A crucial aspect of Indian history is the colonial rule, especially the British. Before Western colonial powers arrived in India, more than five centuries of the Mahomedan invasion and rule in India came to its peak with the establishment of the Mughal empire by Babur in 1526 (Wolpert 2009, 126). The Mughal Empire was influential in Indian history, and it was at its peak in the 1600s under Emperor Akbar. However, the Mughals began to face internal challenges and fragmentation, which increased throughout the 18th century (Kulke and Rothermund 2016, 177–80).

1.1.2 The Colonial Powers in India

The spirit of maritime adventure and international trade was developed in Europe during the fifteenth-century (Marshman 1876, 106). The arrival of Vasco da Gama in Calicut, Kerala, on May 27, 1498, opened an era of European imperial invasions into India, which lasted four and half centuries until the British left India in 1947 (Wolpert 2009, 139).  After Vasco da Gama’s arrival, the Portuguese conquered several areas of India and remained a major player in India in the sixteenth century; they made Goa their capital on Indian soil in 1510 (Wolpert 2009, 141). Following the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British arrived in India for trade but eventually established colonies in different places. By the seventeenth century, Portugal’s dominance weakened, and the Dutch emerged to challenge Portuguese supremacy in maritime and influence in India. Dutch East India Company was founded in 1602 and engaged in trade, establishing their factories and colonies in India (Kulke and Rothermund 2016, 172–74). Further, the French East India Company was established in 1664, but the Dutch prevented their initial attempt to establish a foothold in India. Later, Francois Martin arrived in India in 1668 and established a French settlement at Pondicherry, and the French subsequently expanded their interest and influence in India (Kulke and Rothermund 2016, 176).

 Further, the English East India Company’s first ship arrived in Surat on August 24, 1608, and extended its influence into various parts of India throughout the seventeenth century (Wolpert 2009, 148–52).  The British focus on commerce transitioned into imperial ambition by the mid-eighteenth century. From the East India Company, Rober Cive and Richard Colley Wellesley accelerated this shift and implemented aggressive policies incorporating military, political, and economic dimensions. Clive’s crucial victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 against the Nawab of Bengal marked a decisive turn in British rule in India. Clive exploited rivalries among the local political figures to establish British control over Bengal, transforming East India Company’s status as a mere commercial venture into de facto rulers of Bengal (Wolpert 2009, 186–87). Further, Lord Wellesley introduced the Subsidiary Alliance System, played a role in extending British rule in India, and forced Indian rulers to accept British military assistance and disband their armies, resulting in making local rulers vassals of the British (Wolpert 2009, 207–9).

The emergence of British dominance in India in the eighteenth century is characterized by three important features: First, the Mughal administration was depleted. Second, the depletion of the Mughal empire and the increasing influence of the colonial powers led to the emergence of kingdoms and regional dynasties. Each of these regional powers had their own culture and clashing interests. These regional kingdoms fought each other for supremacy. The British took advantage of this situation by providing military assistance to these regional kingdoms, resulting in the increasing supremacy of the British in India (this tendency began with the French). Third, the British engaged in several decisive battles in the eighteenth century that extended their rule into different parts of India: Battle of Buxer (1764) solidified control over North India; Mysore wars (1767-1799) extended British influence into Southern India; Maratha wars (1775-1818) solidifying British supremacy over India (Marshman 1876, 160,219-225). Finally, though there were constant struggles and fights between these colonial players to protect their trade interests as well as political influence in India, especially between the British and the French, the British emerged as supreme power over India during the eighteenth century (Kulke and Rothermund 2016, 183–90).

1.1.3 The Sepoy Mutiny

Though there were several mutinies against British rule in the first half of the nineteenth century, the Sepoy mutiny in 1857 altered the power relationship between Britain and India. The widespread resentment because of economic exploitation, especially among the aristocracy, military grievances among Indians (called sepoys) in the British army, and socio-religious issues, specifically the rumor of British interest in forced conversion of Indians to Christianity, caused this widespread rebellion against the British. The immediate reason was that Indian soldiers were asked to bite cartridges greased with cow or pig fat, and this offended the religious sentiments of both Hindus and Muslims, leading to a widespread outbreak of mutiny starting at Meerut on May 10, 1857.  British suppressed the mutiny. Subsequently, the British government dissolved the East India Company and transferred the control of India directly to the British Crown, resulting in the beginning of the British Raj in India (see detailed discussion, Marshman 1876, 492–522). This mutiny ignited the early spark of nationalist sentiments and larger movements for independence.

1.1.4 Nationalist Movements

After the mutiny, nationalist Indians began to mobilize and spread nationalism among Indians. The nationalistic movement got much organizational form with the founding of the Indian National Congress and its first annual meeting in 1885 in Mumbai. Though initially, Congress consisted of elite people, it was transformed into a mass national party from 1920 to 1939, under the leadership of Gandhi (Wolpert 2009, 266, 315). Gandh’s satyagraha movement, non-cooperative movement, and Quit India movement were mass movements that ultimately led to the Independence of India from the brutal, exploitative, and inhuman colonial rule of the British in 1947.

1.4.5 After Independence

I will highlight three important aspects of Indian history here that are relevant in the context of the Bible translation. Firstly, poverty was the biggest issue when the British left India. The government of India’s immediate concern was to bring out people from poverty (Rogers 1996, 297). Indian government focused on economic planning, industrialization, and liberalization policies in the 1990s transformed India’s economy. India has undergone a nationwide digital revolution for the last two decades. As a result of various measures of government and non-government organizations, India’s poverty was significantly reduced. As a result, Bible translation workers today may face fewer challenges reaching out to Indian villages or living among the communities: better communication and transportation system, health access, and education. Secondly, in 1956, India reorganized its states based on diverse languages (Thrasher 1996, 195). This linguistic reorganization did not count hundreds of spoken minority languages in these states. Often, the government does not want to keep linguistic diversity consisting of all minority languages, and most of these languages do not have linguistic developments such as the medium of education, print materials, or orthography compared with other officially recognized languages. Many unofficial languages need the Bible, and working among these languages is challenging. Thirdly, Hindu fundamentalism has been on the rise in India, especially for more than the last three decades. The violence against Christians has been on a sharp rise since the late 1990s (Shani 2011, 297). This brings considerable challenges to Bible translation works and Christians, such as persecution, false police cases against missionaries, denying access to villages, and hatred.

2 Demographic, Linguistic, and Religious Diversities in India

2.1 Demographic and Linguistic Diversity

India is a vast, diverse country regarding demography, social-cultural aspects, geography, religion, and language. Anthropological Survey of India acknowledges that India has 4635 unique population groups based on DNA studies, and the ethnic diversity in the Indian subcontinent consisted of four major ethnic groups, identified based on physical features: Caucasoid (European), Proto-Australoid (Aboriginal Australian) Mongoloid (East Asian) and Negroid (African). This ethnic diversity corresponds to four major linguistic families spoken by Indians: Austro-Asiatic, Dravidian, Indo-European, and Tibeto-Burman (Genomic Diversity in People of India: Focus on MtDNA and y-Chromosome Polymorphism 2021,1- 2). According to the 2011 Census of Indian government, 1369 languages are spoken in India, and 10000 or more speakers speak these languages. However, only 22 languages are officially recognized, and the other 99 languages are categorized as “total of other languages” (“Language: India, States and Union Territories (Table C-16)” 2011, 4). In addition, Hindi and English are the national official languages and languages of wider communications.

2.2 Caste Diversity

India has a multilayer classification of its population into language groups, caste, and religion. Caste in India refers to a localized, endogamous, and hereditary group that is part of the hierarchy of the society (Deliège 2011, 47). Indian society is a caste-based society with several categories: The general category consists of higher caste groups; Scheduled Castes consist of many marginalized and Dalit caste groups; scheduled Tribes consist of Indigenous tribes and communities; and Other Backward Classes (OBC) consist of socially and educationally disadvantaged caste groups (Guilmoto 2011, 30–31).

2.3 Religious Diversity

 Indian religious demography consists of Hindus (approximately 79.8% of the population), Muslims (14%), Christians (2.3%), Sikhs (1.7%),  others (Buddhists, Jains, and Zoroastrians (Parsis), Jews, and Baha’is, together 2%) (“2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: India,” n.d.). Hinduism is an umbrella term that covers various philosophical and devotional traditions. India has the fourth-largest Muslim population.  Sikhism, Buddhism, and Jainism originated in India. Hinduism is the dominant religion; and RSS, a Hindu right-wing, emergent a major catalyst along with other Hindu activistic organizations to spread communal and fundamentalist ideology among Hindus. As a result, the idea of Hindu Rashtra was popularized, and RSS’s political wing, BJP, began to emerge as a major political force in India. This development has been a cause for frequent communal riots and various violence against religious minorities, especially Christians (Heitzman 1996,119, 175–77)

3 History of Christianity

Christianity came to India in C.E. 52 through the Apostle Thomas. After Thomas, Metropolitans or Catholicos were sent to India by the patriarchs of Antioch, Babylon, and Armenia. In addition, there was a small migration of Christians from the Persian Empire during the persecution in the fourth century under the leadership of Thomas of Kana. Syriac was the liturgical language of the church, and the early effort to translate scripture and other Christian literature to the local language failed (Frykenberg 2013, 34-38).  However, colonialism opened a new wave of Western mission work in India. The Portuguese brought Catholicism and their mission work to India (Shullai 2017, 326), and they also forcefully converted other Christians, specifically St. Thomas Christians, to Catholicism, which led to a struggle between both sides for a long time (Frykenberg 2013, 40–41). The Danish colonial power had two major settlements in Tranquebar in South and Serampore in Northeastern India. The Danish East India Company was interested in trade, but they helped the mission work of Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plütschau from Halle, Germany, in Tranquebar and Serampore Trio in Bengal (William Carey, William Ward, and Joshua Marshman). Though the British Colonial power had an ambivalent attitude towards Christian missions, it is known that many British officials supported and protected many missionaries in various parts of India (Shullai 2017, 327). After independence, Indian churches continued their mission work and witnessed tremendous church growth, especially in the last three decades.

4 History of Bible Translation in India

Though the Syriac Bible was present in Kerla from the third or fourth century C.E., the Bible was translated into several Indian languages with the arrival of eighteenth-century Western Protestant missionaries (Israel 2011, 3). Hephzibah Israel, a translation studies scholar, identifies three phases of Bible translation history as follows:

4.1 The first phase (16th and 17th centuries)

Early Catholic missionaries did not translate scripture into any Indian languages as they believed that scripture should be read in the original languages or translations approved by the Roman Catholic Church. However, early missionaries translated some of the Catholic literature and published them in the 16th and 17th centuries (Robert de Nobili and Constanzo Giuseppe Beschi (Israel 2010, 87).

4.2 Second phase (18th and 19th centuries)

Protestant missionaries began to arrive in India in the early 18th century, and they engaged in Bible translation.  Ziegenbalg translated the New Testament into Tamil and published it in 1714-1715; a revised version was published in 1722. He translated several verses together instead of verse-for-verse translation. He adopted style and vocabulary from Catholic literature translated and published in Tamil. He translated the Old Testament up to Ruth, but he could not complete it. Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760), who came after him as a missionary to Tranquebar, completed the translation of the remaining part of the Old Testament and published the whole Bible between 1724 and 1728 (Israel 2010, 88).

In the second phase of Bible translation, in the 19th century, organized mission organizations entered Bible translation in India. A notable Bible translation movement was begun by William Carey (1761-1834), the father of modern missions, along with Marshman (1768-1837) and Ward (1769-1823) in the Serampore mission. They were part of the Baptism Society, established in Serampore in 1793. They could translate the Bible into 40 different languages, including Malay and Chinese (Israel 2010, 89).

Another major organized effort to translate the Bible into the Indian languages came from the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), which opened auxiliaries in Calcutta (1811) and Madras (1820) (Israel 2011, 37). David Brown and Claudius Buchanan, the provost and vice-provost of the College of Fort William in Bengal, set up a department of Bible translation in 1805 and began translation projects in five Indian languages in 1806. However, the East India Company discontinued the department, and Brown and Buchanan formed a Corresponding Committee to continue the translation projects. They could carry on the work for a few years, and later, the Corresponding Committee passed to the Calcutta Auxiliary of the BFBS. The BFBS worked with major Indian languages through its auxiliary to translate the Bible. Their efforts were more institutionalized, and committees appointed by BFBS managed translations. They established a network of translators, readers, production, and finance for Bible translation by the mid-19th century. During this second phase, critical reviews were published on translated Bibles in several Indian Christian journals, and theoretical aspects of Bible translations emerged along with standardizing translation practices (Israel 2010, 89–90; Israel 2011, 38-42 ). In the 19th century, the Bible was translated into several major Indian languages:

a)      Sanskrit (1818)

b)     The East: Bengali (1806), Assamese (1832) and Oriya (1815).

c)      The West: Marathi (1819), Gujarati (1823).

d)     The North and Central: Hindi (1818), Urdu (1843)

e)      The South: Kannada (1831), Malayalam (1841), Tamil (1728, 1871) and Telugu (1854).

4.3 Third Phase (20th century)

In this phase, Bible translation in India introduced modern advances in Biblical studies. Indians began to develop expertise to engage in translation projects rather than depending upon the expertise of foreign missionaries. Another important development in the 20th century was the ecumenical union published ecumenical Bibles and also Bible translations began to produce culturally sensitive translations (Israel 2010, 95–96).

Bible translation in India greatly contributed to language development, literacy, social transformation, and the expansion of the Kingdom of God.

 

Bibliography

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———. 2011. Religious Transactions in Colonial South India: Language, Translation, and the Making of Protestant Identity. 1st ed. Palgrave Studies in Cultural and Intellectual History. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Shani, Ornit. 2011. “The Politics of Communalism and Caste.” In A Companion to the Anthropology of India, edited by Isabelle Clark-Decès and Christophe Guilmoto, 298–312. Blackwell Companions to Anthropology 8. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

Shullai, Pynhunlang NM. 2017. “Colonialism, Christianity and Mission Activities In India: A Postcolonial Perspectives.” International Journal of Humanities & Social Science Studies 3 (5): 324–34.

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 Photo credit: Tim Wildsmith

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